A Pashtun civil rights group holds a huge deliberative gathering to tackle community problems from land grabs to targeted killings. Will action follow?
This story was produced and published by Asia Democracy Chronicles. Photo by Jamaima Afridi for Asia Democracy Chronicles
They came, they talked, but even the Pashtun of Pakistan themselves say they are still far from making any political conquests. Not that they have ambitions of doing so; when they held a national jirga recently, it was mainly to reaffirm unity among the Pashtun, as well as to remind Pakistani authorities of their rights in a nation that they have called home for generations.
Jirga is a traditional way of solving problems in Pashtun society. Last October, the civil rights group Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) held a three-day National Pashtun Jirga in Pakistan’s northwestern province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP).
And while political observers and several jirga participants later expressed pessimism over the likelihood that all the 22 demands the assembly came up with would ever be implemented, some analysts said that the jirga already marked an achievement by the mere fact that it happened.
PTM’s plans for the jirga had nearly fallen through after Islamabad suddenly banned the group, accusing it of trying to set up a “parallel judicial system” under the guise of a peaceful public assembly.
When PTM declared that it would push through with the assembly anyway, police fired on members of the organizing committee, killing four and injuring 11 other individuals. Tents were burned and other materials meant for the assembly were also destroyed.
Islamabad later lifted the ban on PTM after the KP provincial government called a multiparty jirga to resolve the crisis. The Pashtun National Jirga thus began on Oct. 11 in the Khyber District, with the KP government’s support and the presence of KP Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur. Notably, though, Khyber District and Peshawar had no mobile and internet services during the jirga, and even a few days afterward.
Rights advocate and University of Karachi professor Dr. Riaz Ahmad said that the jirga‘s success was apparent even before it began, citing the attempts to prohibit it as revelatory of the state’s repressive nature. “The state’s reaction reveals its policies’ true nature,” he said. “Repression has been uncovered because they refuse to let people speak.”
Ahmad added, “The jirga holds huge significance because it not only brought together a large number of people, but also facilitated the coming together of representatives from different parties and movements to work collectively for the area.”
Thousands of Pashtun from all over Pakistan attended the jirga, including women – a first for such an assembly. Among them was Hasan Bibi, who a decade ago had her then 25-year-old son forcibly taken from the family home by security forces, for reasons that up to now are a mystery to her.
“I have personally gone to Islamabad three times at this age,” said Bibi, 60, who hails from Jamrud in Khyber District. “People there said I am old and should stop coming. I’ve visited several police stations. On my second visit to Kohat station, everything went blank, and I became lost. Despite our efforts, we have not received a positive response.”
Aziz Ullah, a 23-year-old from Mohmand District, was also at the jirga. He said that he decided to attend to show support for Pashtun causes and to “share his grief” over what has happened to his family. According to Aziz, his family was often forced to flee during crackdowns or clashes between authorities and militants, and that his father was killed during one such instance.
“I’m here so that no one else suffers the same fate as my father,” said Ullah, his voice overflowing with sorrow as he answered questions at the jirga site. “We still can’t get over the trauma of losing our loved one in such a way, and I wish no one else has to go through such pain.”
A history of marginalization
The Pashtun, also known as “Pakhtun” or “Pathan,” are Pakistan’s second largest ethnic group and make up about 15 to 20 percent of the country’s total population. Of Pakistan’s estimated 30 to 40 million Pashtun, the majority can be found in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, as well as in a part of Balochistan province. The Pashtun also have considerable numbers in Sindh and Punjab provinces, located in the southeastern and central eastern regions, respectively.
The Pashtun have historically been marginalized and underrepresented in Pakistan, resulting in inadequate infrastructure development, education, and healthcare in areas where they are dominant in number.
Military operations against extremist groups such as the Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) have had a severe impact on Pashtun communities, causing displacement and human rights violations. Terrorist organizations such as the Taliban have also targeted Pashtun and subjected them to severe violence.
Meanwhile, PTM, which advocates for Pashtun rights and justice, has its roots in a movement fighting for the rights to life and property of the Mehsud, a Pashtun tribe. Begun by university students in 2013, the movement morphed into the PTM five years later, following the killing of a Pashtun by Karachi police, who suspected him of being a Taliban.
It was also in 2018 that PTM first called a jirga, which took the form of a sit-in in the national capital itself.
The most recent jirga was prompted by the death last July of poet Gilamar Wazir, who was also a PTM leader. Wazir was ambushed and stabbed several times in an Islamabad café; he died days later in hospital.
At the slain poet’s funeral, PTM Chief Mansoor Pashteen called for the jirga to find solutions to the problems faced by Pashtun in Pakistan.
During the jirga’s first day, PTM presented statistics that it said were the results of grassroots research and surveys it made in 26 Pashtun-majority districts. Among other things, it said 5.7 million people are now internally displaced, with 2.3 million still homeless, because of relentless militarization in Pashtun areas, while 76,584 people have died in bomb blasts and target killings.
About 6,700 persons in Pakhtunkhwa have also gone missing, the PTM said. Furthermore, Pashtun mosques have been targeted in 200 bombings, while 1,738 Pashtun elders have been killed. Landmines have also left 7,538 Pashtun disabled.
While Pashteen said that these data are still incomplete due to some disturbances to the survey process, the figures have already been described by an Islamabad-based think tank as “exaggerated.” A retired military officer, however, conceded to Asia Democracy Chronicles (ADC) that Pakistan’s northwestern region has faced significant challenges, including insurgency in Balochistan and the ongoing TTP threat in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
“Terrorism has contributed to insecurity, killings of many civilians, injuries, and arrests of many people,” he said, “and because of all these, Pashtun have been affected.” He added that “missing persons are a serious issue, and unfortunately, KP is going through terrorism, and we have external elements involved.” He noted, though, that some of those reported as missing had actually joined armed groups, and that the problem has multiple layers.
But the retired brigadier general highlighted as well the failure of 20 years of military, police, and law enforcement interventions to control the situation. He said that military operations in the region have contributed to internal displacement, civilian casualties, and arrests, affecting countless Pashtun.
Said the former military official: “So apparently, this is what the jirga is interested in. Peace is what the jirga demands, and peace can only come if we control terrorism within and across the border, and everyone is with this.”
Pointless resolution?
Included in the jirga’s 22-point resolution was that all armed groups, including the Pakistan Army, TTP, and the Islamic State (ISIS), leave Khyber Pakhtunkhwa within two months; if this will not happen, then alternative solutions will be sought.
The jirga also asked, among others, for the formation of a judicial commission to probe Pashtun extrajudicial killings and disappearances, as well as a committee to handle tribal issues; the reopening of the Durand Line for visa-free travel; reduction of electricity costs and equitable access to natural resources; and the prohibition of detrimental practices, such as the swara.
KP Chief Minister Gandapur has declared that “all matters” in the resolution that are “related to the province will not only be completely discussed but will also be fully implemented.” This has made some political observers cautiously optimistic, with one saying that if all parties, including the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government, remain committed to implementing the resolution, there is a slim chance of its success.
But the political expert, echoing the views of other analysts and jirga attendees interviewed by ADC, similarly pointed out that Pakistan’s history suggests that implementation will be difficult.
Most of them also said that the resolution lacks a clear implementation plan, leaving many questions unanswered. For instance, asked some of the analysts, how will the decisions be translated into action? Will the government, military, or other stakeholders be engaged in the process?
Another concern raised was the timeline allocated for militant groups to vacate the area. According to the analysts, who all declined to be named, the timeframe is overly ambitious and lacks a clear explanation of how it will be achieved.
“You can’t ask the state to remove the army or law enforcement agencies. Definitely, it’s unjustified to ask this demand. You can ask to control and improve the law and order situation and to conduct operations in a controlled situation,” said the retired military official who speak with ADC.
Rights advocate Dr. Ahmad, however, was unfazed by these issues. He said that aside from the PTM ban confirming the existence of state repression, the success of the jirga could also be found in its challenge to the ban and its creation of widespread awareness of Pashtun grievances. The latter, Ahmad said, is the first step toward change.
